This overlap in strategic interests, coupled with the fact that Saudi Arabia is the leading Arab power in the Middle East, makes the Kingdom an ally of unparalleled importance. And this role will only grow as the other regional powers -- Iraq, Egypt, Iran -- devolve into chaos, decline in strength, or grow increasingly hostile to the United States.

Because al-Qaida's first and still primary objective is overthrowing the Saudi government--it launched numerous deadly attacks since 2003 -- the Kingdom is no less committed to winning the war on terrorism than the United States.

That antiterrorism security services have killed or captured all but one of the 26 terrorists on the government's "most wanted" list, and have dismantled all five of al-Qaida's main cells in Saudi Arabia demonstrates this.

More evidence of the Saudi government's commitment can be found in its 2006 budget: $12 billion will be spent on internal security. And if the French and Spanish counter-terrorism judges who described Saudi Arabia's antiterrorism operations as the most efficient and effective in the world are to be believed, this money will be well spent.

While the Saudi leadership opposed the Iraq war because it predicted it would destabilize the region, the government has worked with the Bush administration to attempt to bring peace and security to the Iraqi people.

Saudi Arabia has a keen interest in seeing a stable Iraq emerge: the toxic ramifications of a civil war there will impact its immediate neighbors to a greater degree than the United States. For this reason, over $1 billion has been invested in border security to prevent the movement of jihadis to and from the Kingdom.

It has also flatly rejected multiple requests from Sunni tribes in Iraq -- who turn to Saudi Arabia because it is their ancestral homeland -- to intervene on their behalf, as they attempt to undermine Shia rule.

The Saudi position is that Iraq must be ruled by one government that protects the rights of all its citizens. Finally, the Kingdom, which is the single largest creditor to Iraq, is in the process of forgiving most -- if not all -- of this debt.

In addition, America and Saudi Arabia have remarkably similar positions on how the Palestinians' Hamas-led government should deal with Israel.

This February, King Abdullah issued a statement that called on Hamas to do three things: accept all previous Palestinian Authority agreements with Israel, implicitly recognize Israel's right to exist by endorsing his two-state solution, and follow the Quartet's "road map" to peace.

This is nearly the same list of requirements that President Bush has issued. Moreover, Saudi Arabia is using its financial leverage over Hamas--it is the single largest aid donor to the Palestinians--to accept these conditions.

While the Kingdom does not oppose nuclear technology in Iran, it is firmly against the Iranians acquiring nuclear weapons. And while it would strongly condemn any U.S.-led preemptive strike against Iran, the Kingdom is committed to preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. The Saudi leadership believes that a preemptive attack would, like the Iraq war, damage U.S. and Saudi interests.

If attacked, Iran would use its considerable influence among the Shia leadership in Iraq (as well as its deep ties to the Shia brigades on the ground) to push that country into full-blown civil war. As President Bush moved significantly closer to recognizing last week--when he reversed course and agreed to enter into negotiations with Iran if it resumes its freeze on uranium enrichment--the way to resolve this matter is through diplomacy.

Last December, at the Organization for Islamic Countries summit, Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad privately told King Abdullah that, besides Iran, the Kingdom is the only power of consequence in the region, and that they should jointly lead the Islamic world.

Since Iran views Saudi Arabia as a "strategic partner," it can assist the United States in convincing the Iranian regime -- which senior Saudi officials are currently doing through diplomatic back channels--that nuclear weapons will only undermine its ambitions.

Not only are Saudi interests broadly aligned with America's in the Middle East; it also has great regional influence that can be (and is) used to help achieve shared goals. As the birthplace of Islam -- and home of its two holiest cities, Mecca and Medina -- working with Saudi Arabia when interests overlap can provide legitimacy and muscle to U.S. actions in the region.

This is particularly true in dealing with Hamas. And Saudi Arabia's position as an economic leader and energy superpower--it has the largest economy in the MENA region and holds 25% of the world's known oil reserves--makes it a vital ally.

To be sure, there are many issues, notably cultural ones, in which America and Saudi Arabia do not agree. But commentators, especially American ones, tend to focus almost exclusively on these disagreements, while devoting little time and ink to the critical ones--terrorism, Iraq, Hamas, and Iran, for instance--where both countries' strategic interests are aligned.

As a result, few Americans realize that today Saudi Arabia is among America's most important strategic allies in the world.

United Press International's "Outside View" commentaries are written by outside contributors who specialize in a variety of important issues. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of United Press International. In the interests of creating an open forum, original submissions are invited. Nawaf Obaid is Managing Director of the Saudi National Security Assessment Project, a Riyadh-based independent consultancy.

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